What Drawn And Talk Of Peace

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What Drawn And Talk Of Peace

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Whenever there is a new presidential administration in the Philippines, including for the initial campaign period, it has become fashionable to call for the continuation of peace talks between the Government of the Republic (GRP) and the National Democratic Front. . The Philippines (NDFP), however, strangely (intentionally or accidentally) forgot the ceasefire call. While these peace talks may be said to be in the country’s best interest, it is becoming increasingly clear that they cannot (or should not) be conducted in the old fashioned way—perhaps as they are about a revolutionary situation. I was told when it happened. . The ruling class can no longer rule

(But there is also something to be said about when a revolution may or may not occur.

Does the old and unworkable methods of GRP-NDFP peace talks need to be revised and renewed so that they do not become another futile exercise? The most basic aspect of old and unworkable procedures is the framework or operational framework. The strategy of People’s War (PPW) and the NDFP’s main armed struggle with organizations led by the Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP) and the New People’s Army (NPA) led to peace negotiations only as a tertiary, and therefore only Strategy. Not strategic, critical (which the issuing authority indicates). If the real value of the peace talks for one party is only or mainly to attract some strategic concessions that ultimately support the overall strategy of the PPW, then the sincerity of the parties in the peace talks may be called into question. And that would be reasonable or understandable. do so

On the other hand, the GRP’s framework for ending local communist armed conflict, at least under the outgoing Duterte administration, appears poised to end the local communist PERIOD. This is the “military victory” policy position, and the “peace and denuclearization” policy position, but not all “peacebuilding” policy positions. These advocates have openly rejected several campaigns calling for the revival of peace talks, but refer to existing or outdated ways of doing things. It is not without reason to reject “more equal” based on the experience of peace negotiations that the GRP only understands the use of CPP-NPA-NDFP tactics to advance the PPW strategy – hence, the CPP- The NPA-NDFP “failed to demonstrate sincerity and commitment to the negotiations to achieve real and meaningful peace.”

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There can be no real and meaningful peace talks unless there is a paradigm shift on both sides. This is definitely easier said than done. It will take more time for each side to honestly, thoroughly, and creatively review and revise their war and peace strategies. Of course, the 53-year armed conflict since 1969 is still unresolved, which should be motivation enough to review and reconsider. This will require a lot of internal and closed communication, but it will also require space or space for public communication with stakeholders, relevant sectors and sources. With the necessary infrastructure in place for such debate, these two levels of debate, internal and public, would be best organized and facilitated in a purposeful, proactive and even programmatic manner. Of course, there may be a paradigm shift due to certain relevant developments on each side and in the overall situation, including the balance of power. A change of leadership on both sides may be a factor, but it will not be enough without the aforementioned efforts to revise and renew the peace talks, and build the necessary trust and confidence.

Even together, if at all, the ratification of existing frameworks and agreements on peace negotiations – such as the Hague Joint Declaration 1992, the 1995 Joint Agreement on Safeguards and Immunities and the Supplementary Implementing Regulations 1998, on the basic principles of formal meetings 1995 Agreement, the 1995 Joint Agreement on Formation, Organization and Operation79, supplementary agreement – will not be sufficient to negotiate a real, meaningful and workable peace without such a paradigm shift and a “sincere commitment” to political-military victory. ” without the necessary confidence in the sincerity of each side for a negotiated political settlement instead. On the other hand, it was only instrumentalized through the peace process. The latter tendency would only negate the character and purpose of peace negotiations, and is tantamount to negotiations in bad faith. The aforementioned honest review and revision should also address existing frameworks and agreements related to peace negotiations. This may lead to the need for the same improvement as well as the addition of a new agreement that corrects the long overdue peace talks – as indeed attempts have been made by both sides but have failed.

In the necessary review and revision that must be made by both parties to the war and their respective peace strategies, as well as the existing framework for peace negotiations and related agreements, they cannot and will not avoid this issue. Can avoid the problem that some people consider “elephant”. room” – the role or effect of the Philippine Constitution which is the basic framework of the GRP. This basic fact and the claim of the NDFP partners about their own constitutional framework to find creative constitutional solutions to solve constitutional problems and if There is a challenge in the constitutional selection process, if not the best. Many successful peace processes abroad, but here with the two Moro Liberation Fronts (the MNLF in 1996 and the MILF in 2014) show that the “elephant in the room” problem. can be solved creatively, including by postponing final political commitment, eg to a later referendum on the Northern Ireland peace process.

But there is still another “elephant in the room” brought up by the NDFP – the claim of “combatant in the civil war” status. Apart from the questionable currency of this old concept of international law, which many authorities of modern international law consider obsolete, the standard provisions of the 1949 Geneva Conventions and 1977 Additional Protocol I can be invoked by analogy. . accepted by both parties, if the request “will not affect the legal status of the parties to the conflict.” However, it is possible that the adoption of the principle of “equality of dignity” from the Northern Ireland peace process was actually adopted for the MILF peace process.

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On the other hand, the GRP also has its own “elephant in the room” in the form of continuous “terrorist” designations from the CPP, NPA, and NDFP as well as several “front organizations” and related personalities. “Brought. , the designation is now regulated by the new

(ATA) in 2020, the overall constitutionality was upheld in a Supreme Court decision in December 2021. and Chief Political Consultant Professor through NDFP. Jose Maria Sison has laid out clear preconditions for the resumption of peace talks (but which the outgoing Duterte administration does not want): withdrawal of the “terrorist” designation, cancellation of the ATA, and termination of the Anti-Communist National Task Force. to do Force to End Local Communist Armed Conflict (NTF-ELCAC). It is the next presidential administration that will continue the peace process.

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