What Is Nkanda

What Is Nkanda – The private residence of former South African President Jacob Zuma is located approximately 24 km (15 mi) south of the town of Nkandla in KwaZulu-Natal and is commonly known as Nkandla House. Zuma’s presidency saw a huge public row, sometimes referred to as Nkandlagate, over what appeared to be security upgrades to Zuma’s compound that cost more than $246 million. of rupees.

The use of public funds for these events (including the controversial Pool of Fire) attracted considerable media attention and political opposition.

What Is Nkanda

The Public Protector’s report found Zuma’s inadequate response to these events, and the Constitutional Court later ruled that Zuma’s failure to comply with the report violated the country’s constitution. Zuma eventually apologized for using public funds to upgrade his private residence, and in 2016 in April, the scandal prompted prominent figures including anti-apartheid activist Ahmed Kathrada to call for his resignation.

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According to the judge of the Constitutional Court, Zuma in 2016 compensated the state for non-security-related improvements in September – the cost to the National Treasury was 7.81 million.

Where President Jacob Zuma was born and raised. The land is owned by the Ingonyama Trust, which through Zulu King Misuzulu kaZwelithini administers the traditional lands of KwaZulu-Natal for the convenience of the residents on behalf of the state.

In 2008, according to Zuma, the Zuma family undertook a private construction project using personal funds to improve the house and build three new houses.

In 2009 in May, after 2009 general election, Zuma was elected President of South Africa and, in line with Cabinet policy set out in the Zuma strategy, a process of assessing security measures and their expansion at the President’s private residences was immediately initiated.

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As part of this process, the South African Department of Public Works and Infrastructure (DPWI) built a helipad, underground bunkers, security and accommodation, a fire station, a chicken run and a fence around the tire factory. According to the minister’s guide, the department may allocate R100 000 to improve security at the private homes of public officials. Any excess costs must be borne by the officer. The department appears to have allocated more than R200 000 000.

The spokesman’s statements cite an apartheid-era law, the National Basic Points Act, as an explanation for the spding difference, but the spding would have to come from a different department.

The leaked document also shows inflated prices for work carried out, much of it out of tender and high consultancy fees.

During that time, it was reported that the expansion of the complex will cost 65 million. RUB, which will be paid by the taxpayer. The building was equipped with a helipad, visitor center, private military hospital and parking lot.

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The Mail & Guardian’s investigative arm, amaBhungane, has found that the first phase will see the construction of a two-storey house and guest house expected to cost more than R19.4 million.

As soon as the story began, the government died with a hand in the renovation. A DPWI spokesperson disputed the government’s initial claims: “There is no work or development project going on at Presidt Jacob Zuma’s compound in Nkandla. “

When reporters visited the construction site, a contractor working at the construction site speculated that the cost of the extension would likely increase later.

Until 2012 As of October, Public Protector Thuli Madonsela was preparing to investigate the security updates, based on several formal complaints lodged with her office in response to media reports.

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The first complaint in 2011 December 13 by a member of the public and subsequent complaints were lodged by legal academic Pierre de Vos, Lindiwe Mazibuko of the opposition Democratic Alliance (DA) and three other members of the public.

The investigation was conducted under Article 182 of the Constitution and Sections 6 and 7 of the Public Protection Act, which define and govern the investigative powers of the Public Protector, and to the extent that the complaints allege Zuma breached the Government’s Code of Ethics, as well as the Executive Members’ Ethics Act.

In 2013 November 1 Madonsela shared a draft version of her report with the Cabinet Security Panel, which included the Ministers of State Security, Police and Defence.

November 8 the group issued an emergency injunction against Madonsela in the Pretoria High Court to block the publication of the interim report. Ministers asked for more time to review and respond to the interim report and said they had not been given the right to be heard during the inquiry.

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However, in mid-November, the ministers withdrew their claim, claiming that the delay in the court process had already given them more time to study the report.

Nevertheless, they proposed going back to court to challenge the report on grounds publicly stated by Police Minister Nathi Mthethwa: that the ministers were a security agency, not a public protector, with powers to decide who was considered a threat to the president. and the state (therefore to decide on reasonable update limits for safety reasons).

In 2013 January 13 the public defender informed the president that she would not be able to complete her report within the 30-day period. Section 3, Part 2 of the Government Ethics Act states: “If, after the 30-day period has expired, the public defender reports that the investigation has not been completed, the public defender must submit a report that the search has been completed.” “.

The president offered the public protector that she had not met the 30-day deadline and to state that the investigation is ongoing and whether the process is justified.

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The president and his lawyers tried to deny the validity of the investigation, asking the public defender to rule on whether the president has the authority to admit non-compliance.

There is no provision in the Constitution that allows the President to authorize any actions or omissions of the public defender.

An interim version of Madonsela’s report, titled Opulce on a Grand Scale, 2013. was leaked to the Mail & Guardian in late November.

“Like all South Africans, I read the shocking story in the media about the amount of taxpayers’ money spent on President Jacob Zuma’s private residence. I need to understand how this is allowed. Civil society is surprisingly silent. This is wrong and shows this Government’s complete disregard for the citizens of this country. Where did the money come from and how was it approved?” [2]

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The cost of the improvements has risen to $215 million, the report said. rupees, and another 31 million rupiah in unpaid work, and that, contrary to government claims, many of the state-funded improvements exceeded Zuma’s security needs as president. It included a swimming pool (formally a fire pool), a cattle kraal, a tent area and a new home for the clans.

He suggested Zuma should pay back the state and said Zuma had breached the government’s code of ethics on two counts: failing to protect state resources and defrauding Parliament in 2012. telling him in November that the buildings and rooms “we built ourselves. family, not government.”

Madonsela’s final report, titled Safe Comfort, was published in 2014. on 19 March, shortly before Zuma’s re-election, and largely mirrored the interim report.

In both the interim and final reports, Madonsela found that Zuma improperly skimmed off $246 million. of rupees which the state has allocated for the renovation.

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Madonsela said that if the public works minister approves, the ministry’s handbook specifies a maximum bond of R100 000. As the house in Nkandla is the president’s private property, he would only be allocated R100 000 for security measures. Therefore, the president would be against the head of the minister.

In 2012 November 4 police stopped Hel Zille from approaching the property and were going to “see what the 250 million looked like.” movement of rupees for public money’.

She meant 246 million. RUB security upgrade, which is several times more than the security upgrades of previous presidential houses.

Zuma’s spokesman Mac Maharaj said the opposition party had adopted a “cowboy style” to get the answers it wanted and questioned Zille’s use of the word “compound” to describe the house.

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Shortly after the release of Madonsela’s report, the DA pre-2014 general election, Gautgo sent a mass text message to voters that read: “Nkandla report shows how Zuma stole your money to build his R246 million. DA May 7 voted for it. corruption. Together for change.” The ANC filed an urgent application in the South Gauteng High Court to stop the distribution of the text message on the grounds that it breached the Electoral Act. On 4 April 2014, the court ruled that the wording of the message was in good faith and dismissed the ANC’s application, stating costs of litigation.

In 2014 May 6 The Electoral Court ruled that the DA must withdraw the text

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